Moreover, ingroup entitativity only lent legitimacy to outgroup prejudice when an interests-based explanation was plausible-namely, when the outgroup could possibly threaten the ingroup's interests. Additional essays compare Perelman's ideas with those of other significant thinkers like Kenneth Burke and Richard McKeon, explore his career as a philosopher and activist, and shed new light on Perelman and Olbrechts- Tyteca's collaboration. However, in the collective perception due to the dispositions of interpreters, political symbolization is presented as more essential than the viscera of life. Tali Mendelberg examines how and when politicians play the race card and then manage to plausibly deny doing so. This essential analysis, written for lay readers, scholars, students, and future presidents, is the first in Transaction's innovative Presidential Briefings series.
Implications for sociopsychological aspects of conflict resolution and leadership are discussed. These conditions are outlined in the chapter. Chapp analyzes the content and context of political speeches and draws on survey data, historical evidence, and controlled experiments to evaluate how citizens respond to religious stumping. The central aim of researching accounts is to understand not only their form and content but also the nature of interactional, institutional, and public contexts in which they are used. There's no signup, and no start or end dates. The political ideology of this particular group follows under the Liberal influence on many issues, such as homosexuallity,. Thus, the mechanism of persuasion cannot be simplified to the translation of the ideas, but it is also capable of producing new meanings.
As such, this essay examines the canonical theory of news frames as falling along a thematic-episodic continuum. This strategy has been dubbed racial priming. Liberal legislators used more fairness- and harm-related words, whereas conservative legislators used more authority-related words. The greatest intensity of model language is used by incumbents in their second campaign and the least by losers in a first-cycle open campaign. This aligns with my focus on the 'political rivalry discourse' that I've found in my data news articles and political party media releases where politicians attempt to negatively represent opposing parties. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. During the Reign of Terror, the Jacobins led by Robespierre worked to created what.
Results: Whites holding negative stereotypes are substantially more likely to judge blacks more harshly than similarly described whites in the areas of welfare and crime policy. Some scholars argue that this ambivalence has been exploited by contemporary political elites who have learned to fashion subtle racial appeals that activate these latent attitudes without appearing to violate widely held norms of racial equality. During the Oslo process, for example, both Yitzhak Rabin and Yasser Arafat had to assist their societies in coping with a complex dual reality, which included cooperation and signing agreements between the sides, acts of serious violence, continued building of settlements in the occupied territories, and agreement violations. There are two widely-held views of channels of influence: rational choice the best argument has the most influence ; and rhetoric the best interpretation of reality has the most influence Condor et al. Author by : Mary E.
However, this approach is significantly limited in its influence because it does not adequately speak to other sub-disciplines in political science, in which non-rhetorical theories are preferred. Finally, many citizens recognize racially hostile content in political communications but are no longer angered or disturbed by it. A second strand has examined the way in which presidential candidates convince voters to elect them. I conclude by discussing the political implications of this heightened polarization of public opinion by race and racial attitudes during Obama's presidency. Dozens of media polls from 1993-1994 and 2009-2010 are also pooled together to show that the black-white divide in support for health care reform was 20 percentage points greater for President Obama's health care proposals than it was for President Clinton's plan.
We discuss the implications of these findings as they relate to the ongoing discussion about political stereotypes and racial discussions. Moreover, the experiments embedded in one of those re-interview surveys found health care policies were significantly more racialized when attributed to President Obama than they were when these same proposals were framed as President Clinton's 1993 reform efforts. Relative to the quantity of information retained about other features, more is retained about the salient features. Methods: Regression analysis and analysis of variance of data from a series of survey experiments with 1,841 whites in which the race and other attributes of welfare mothers, welfare recipients, and drug suspects were manipulated. Those proclaiming for leaders are bothwomen and men aspirants who have their own propaganda and unique manifestosthat highlights the objective in beings in power.
In this framework, political argumentation can be used not only for promoting ideas in the sphere of politics, but might produce politics itself. Hypotheses: The degree to which whites endorse negative stereotypes of blacks not only tends to bias their judgments of black versus white welfare recipients and criminal suspects, but also affects the way they respond to counter-stereotypical information about the target. Presidents have always wielded rhetoric as one tool of governance—and that rhetoric was always intended to facilitate political ends, such as image building, persuasion of the mass public, and inter-branch government persuasion. We argue that racial prejudices are more likely to dominate decision making when electoral environments require voters to expend more cognitive resources—such as when they must choose multiple candidates at once. As time progressed, governing structures became more complex. Together, these findings demonstrate that entitativity can lend a veneer of legitimacy to prejudice and disinhibit its expression.
However, government officials have been bartering with each other behind-the-scenes for almost two centuries. Support or refute this statement with reference to the political and cultural policies of Robespierre during the French Revolution. Prior work suggests that the way politicians talk about race affects the power of racial attitudes in political judgments. I've not had a chance to fully engage with your chapter as I only saw it yesterday, but it provides me with a good sense of the historical development in research on political rhetoric. The last 4 studies found that people were more willing to express private prejudices when they perceived themselves as belonging to an entitative group.
The first instance came in the form of a corrupt bargain in the 1824 election, where Henry Clay sold his vote. White identity is not, however, a proxy for outgroup animus; it does not drive opposition to policies designed to benefit racial and ethnic minorities, including welfare, affirmative action, and federal spending on aid to blacks. Fundamentally, I argue that implicit and explicit racial messaging in news media coverage of crime could change the way viewers form opinions of Black Americans and criminality. The approach supports methodological extension through a theory of practice, grounded in social distance. The study concentrates on acomponent of political engagement that. Resources taken from argumentation mechanisms maintain a real political force in the process of agenda-setting.
The failures of other types of governance systems, such as authoritarian and totalitarian regimes, which throughout the course of history, proved mainly to be unsuccessful, highlights the need for a different type of regime, one that. At low levels of sophistication, liberals used more harm language, but at high levels of sophistication conservatives referenced harm more often. Thus, it is critical to revisit longstanding theories of news frames to accommodate the present political moment. And they argue that racial resentment-a modern form of racism that has superseded the old-fashioned biological variety-is a potent political force. Rather, it causes racially liberal whites to evaluate Trump more unfavorably.